{"id":15126,"date":"2022-03-21T12:26:37","date_gmt":"2022-03-21T11:26:37","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.worldpolicyconference.com\/?p=15126"},"modified":"2022-03-21T12:26:37","modified_gmt":"2022-03-21T11:26:37","slug":"wang-jisi-can-seoul-court-beijings-perception-problem","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.worldpolicyconference.com\/fr\/wang-jisi-can-seoul-court-beijings-perception-problem\/","title":{"rendered":"Wang Jisi: \u00ab\u00a0Can Seoul court Beijing\u2019s perception problem?\u00a0\u00bb"},"content":{"rendered":"<header><time datetime=\"2022-03-18T10:00:30+11:00\">8 March 2022<\/time><\/header>\n<section class=\"content\">\n<div class=\"pf-content\">\n<p>Author: Sangpil Jin, University of Copenhagen<\/p>\n<p>It has become increasingly evident that South Korea\u2019s public perception of China has\u00a0cooled\u00a0considerably in recent years. There are several reasons behind this development, including bilateral cultural spats, the dispute over Seoul\u2019s procurement of the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) system, and China\u2019s close ties with North Korea.<\/p>\n<p><img fetchpriority=\"high\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter wp-image-739392 size-medium jetpack-lazy-image jetpack-lazy-image--handled\" title=\"The United States deploys the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) system in South Korea (Photo: Reuters\/US Department of Defense).\" src=\"https:\/\/sp-ao.shortpixel.ai\/client\/to_webp,q_glossy,ret_img,w_400,h_225\/https:\/\/www.eastasiaforum.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/03\/2017-03-07T000000Z_1768823268_MT1ABCPR584953001_RTRMADP_3_ABACA-PRESS-400x225.jpg\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\" srcset=\"https:\/\/sp-ao.shortpixel.ai\/client\/to_webp,q_glossy,ret_img,w_400\/https:\/\/www.eastasiaforum.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/03\/2017-03-07T000000Z_1768823268_MT1ABCPR584953001_RTRMADP_3_ABACA-PRESS-400x225.jpg 400w, https:\/\/sp-ao.shortpixel.ai\/client\/to_webp,q_glossy,ret_img,w_600\/https:\/\/www.eastasiaforum.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/03\/2017-03-07T000000Z_1768823268_MT1ABCPR584953001_RTRMADP_3_ABACA-PRESS-600x337.jpg 600w, https:\/\/sp-ao.shortpixel.ai\/client\/to_webp,q_glossy,ret_img,w_150\/https:\/\/www.eastasiaforum.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/03\/2017-03-07T000000Z_1768823268_MT1ABCPR584953001_RTRMADP_3_ABACA-PRESS-150x84.jpg 150w, https:\/\/sp-ao.shortpixel.ai\/client\/to_webp,q_glossy,ret_img,w_768\/https:\/\/www.eastasiaforum.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/03\/2017-03-07T000000Z_1768823268_MT1ABCPR584953001_RTRMADP_3_ABACA-PRESS-768x432.jpg 768w, https:\/\/sp-ao.shortpixel.ai\/client\/to_webp,q_glossy,ret_img,w_1536\/https:\/\/www.eastasiaforum.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/03\/2017-03-07T000000Z_1768823268_MT1ABCPR584953001_RTRMADP_3_ABACA-PRESS-1536x863.jpg 1536w, https:\/\/sp-ao.shortpixel.ai\/client\/to_webp,q_glossy,ret_img,w_300\/https:\/\/www.eastasiaforum.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/03\/2017-03-07T000000Z_1768823268_MT1ABCPR584953001_RTRMADP_3_ABACA-PRESS-300x169.jpg 300w, https:\/\/sp-ao.shortpixel.ai\/client\/to_webp,q_glossy,ret_img,w_100\/https:\/\/www.eastasiaforum.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/03\/2017-03-07T000000Z_1768823268_MT1ABCPR584953001_RTRMADP_3_ABACA-PRESS-100x56.jpg 100w, https:\/\/sp-ao.shortpixel.ai\/client\/to_webp,q_glossy,ret_img,w_500\/https:\/\/www.eastasiaforum.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/03\/2017-03-07T000000Z_1768823268_MT1ABCPR584953001_RTRMADP_3_ABACA-PRESS-500x281.jpg 500w, https:\/\/sp-ao.shortpixel.ai\/client\/to_webp,q_glossy,ret_img,w_1916\/https:\/\/www.eastasiaforum.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/03\/2017-03-07T000000Z_1768823268_MT1ABCPR584953001_RTRMADP_3_ABACA-PRESS.jpg 1916w\" alt=\"The United States deploys the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) system in South Korea (Photo: Reuters\/US Department of Defense).\" width=\"400\" height=\"225\" data-lazy-loaded=\"1\" \/><\/p>\n<p>Despite the adverse circumstances, bilateral ties between China and South Korea have not reached the point of no return. Although China and South Korea have distinct political, social and cultural systems, neither Beijing nor Seoul can afford to ignore the potential geoeconomic and geopolitical value of a strong China\u2013South Korea relationship. As well as being a major South Korean trading partner, China\u2019s support is crucial for maintaining stability on the Korean peninsula.<\/p>\n<p>China should be wary of the\u00a0growing\u00a0confidence among its increasingly nationalist populace about its international status. There are increasing signs that Chinese diplomatic circles have become concerned about the\u00a0international reception\u00a0of China\u2019s foreign policy.<\/p>\n<p>The commentary by former Chinese ambassador to Britain, Fu Ying, in the\u00a0<em>People\u2019s Daily<\/em>\u00a0illustrates the belated recognition by Chinese policymakers that Beijing needs to rein in the so-called \u2018wolf warrior\u2019 diplomacy increasingly adopted by Chinese diplomats. As a highly-experienced ex-diplomat, Fu recognises that the image of a country is judged in the court of international opinion.<\/p>\n<p>Tsinghua University Professor Yan Xuetong similarly recognises the need to avoid the pitfalls of overconfidence, taking issue with \u2018[China\u2019s] strong sense of superiority and self-confidence\u2019 \u2014 a phenomenon found among many young\u00a0Chinese students. <strong>The President of International Studies at Peking University, Wang Jisi, likewise adopts a cautious tone, predicting a protracted \u2018hot peace\u2019 \u2014 rather than Cold War \u2014 between China and the United States.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>These timely comments by prominent Chinese intellectuals lay bare the concerns that Chinese elites have about the deteriorating international perceptions of their country. Beijing cannot successfully implement major policies like the Belt and Road Initiative unless its leadership regains some form of international goodwill.<\/p>\n<p>South Korean foreign policy traditionally relies on its\u00a0military alliance\u00a0with the United States. This is unlikely to change as long as the North Korea threat remains. But as the new world order shapes up, South Korea should strive for relatively more balanced diplomacy with both superpowers, helping to maintain at least some semblance of geopolitical balance in the Asia-Pacific.<\/p>\n<p>Given the high-level of hostility among large sections of the South Korean public towards China, pursuing practical interest-based diplomacy with Beijing risks intense backlash. Still, decoupling economically from China is not a viable option for South Korea\u2019s export-oriented economy. Despite having some success in diversifying its exports away from the highly coveted Chinese market towards the rapidly growing ASEAN market, China remains the most important market for South Korean goods in the foreseeable future.<\/p>\n<p>Beijing has, from its perspective, repeatedly demonstrated the desire to improve bilateral ties with South Korea. The December 2021 talks between China\u2019s Vice Foreign Minister, Le Yucheng, and his South Korean counterpart, Choi Jong-kun, are ostensibly evidence of China\u2019s desire to\u00a0enhance communication\u00a0between the two countries.<\/p>\n<p>Although a single meeting cannot be assigned too much importance, China\u2019s deteriorating relations with Washington and its allies mean that such talks could enable Seoul to leverage its amicable ties with Beijing to advance mutual interests. Indeed, an advisor to the Chinese People\u2019s Political Consultative Conference, Jia Qingguo, coincidentally\u00a0urged China\u00a0to \u2018make more friends and fewer enemies\u2019 and improve its ties with major powers and neighbours.<\/p>\n<p>Under these circumstances, Beijing would welcome a \u2018reset\u2019 between China and South Korea, lest the focus of the US-South Korea alliance is broadened beyond North Korea to China. While it might be unrealistic for Seoul to completely sever itself from Washington\u2019s global geostrategy, Beijing and Seoul could still reach a modus vivendi on South Korea\u2019s contribution to the US-led Indo-Pacific Strategy and its future relationship with the\u00a0Quadrilateral Security Dialogue.<\/p>\n<p>Seoul should also review the wisdom of embedding itself too firmly in the US alliance system. South Korea is a quintessential middle power, playing an important role in securing international trade and supplying high-tech goods like semiconductors. But it will only gain more autonomy in international relations when it learns to abandon its one-dimensional outlook on China and embrace a more multidimensional type of diplomacy.<\/p>\n<p>Whether policymakers in South Korea can play a deft hand in maximising Seoul\u2019s bargaining power in relations with both Beijing and Washington remains unclear. Keen to loosen Washington\u2019s hegemonic grip over the Asia-Pacific, Beijing would most certainly welcome any South Korean actions that put a dent in the containment strategy led by the United States.<\/p>\n<p>Read the original article on the site of the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.eastasiaforum.org\/2022\/03\/18\/can-seoul-court-beijings-perception-problem\/\">East Asia Forum<\/a>.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/section>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>8 March 2022 Author: Sangpil Jin, University of Copenhagen It has become increasingly evident that South Korea\u2019s public perception of China has\u00a0cooled\u00a0considerably in recent years. There are several reasons behind<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":15122,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[23],"tags":[153],"class_list":["post-15126","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-news-room","tag-153"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.worldpolicyconference.com\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/15126","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.worldpolicyconference.com\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.worldpolicyconference.com\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.worldpolicyconference.com\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.worldpolicyconference.com\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=15126"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.worldpolicyconference.com\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/15126\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.worldpolicyconference.com\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/15122"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.worldpolicyconference.com\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=15126"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.worldpolicyconference.com\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=15126"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.worldpolicyconference.com\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=15126"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}